The Kosovo war is the most striking event in 1999, and it will also have an important impact on the world pattern. First of all, this is the first time that the United States launched a war of aggression against a sovereign country in the name of "eliminating humanitarian disasters" and under the banner of "human rights are above sovereignty", thus creating a dangerous precedent of internationalizing domestic issues under the pretext of "human rights" and "nationality". Secondly, this is the first time that NATO, led by the United States, has waged war against a country that has neither taken military action nor aggressive intentions outside its member States, thus formally transforming NATO from a defensive organization into an offensive and interventionist military group. Third, this is a war in which NATO bypasses the United Nations and is not authorized by the Security Council. Public opinion generally believes that this war has strengthened the hegemonic position of the United States, squeezed Russia's strategic space, exposed the weakness of European defense, and worsened the international environment of developing countries.

However, this is another war without a winner. NATO bombed indiscriminately for 78 days, dropping five times as many bombs as the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima at the end of World War II. In the end, Milosevic compromised, but two key clauses in the Rambouillet draft agreement (NATO forces have the right to move freely throughout Yugoslavia, and the future of Kosovo will be decided by referendum in three years) were quietly erased in the G-8 plan. From a military point of view, NATO's expected goal of "quick victory" and "devastating attack" on Yugoslavia is far from being realized. The heroic resistance of the Yugoslav people has won the respect of all countries and people who uphold justice all over the world.

The United States, under the banner of "humanitarian war", did not conceal its true intention to launch the Kosovo war, but on the contrary aroused the international community's high vigilance against "new hegemonism". According to the report of Time magazine, the Kosovo war killed 5,000 Yugoslav policemen, 1500 civilians and injured tens of thousands of soldiers and civilians. This figure is more than three times that of the 2,000 people who died in the conflict between Albanians and Serbs before NATO bombing. According to the UNHCR report, 240,000 Serbs and other non-Albanian refugees fled Kosovo after the war. The cruel reality shows that the so-called "humanitarian intervention" is completely a hypocritical slogan. US Congressman Hoie recently hit the nail on the head when expounding the humanitarian military policy: "Intervening in the humanitarian crisis is not only a humanitarian rescue issue, but also a national security interest issue of the United States". It can be considered that NATO's military intervention in Kosovo will not be its last action, but the "Kosovo model" is also difficult to generalize, and the proposition that "human rights are above sovereignty" is difficult to be recognized by most countries.

The fundamental strategic goal of the United States is to "establish a stable balance of continental power with the United States as the political arbiter" and "prevent the emergence of challengers who can rule Eurasia and challenge the United States." Through the Kosovo war, the United States has strengthened its leading role in European security and seems to have scored some points. However, as the American Jewish World Review pointed out in June 14, "the United States will be the ultimate victim of the Kosovo war".

First of all, the Kosovo war has seriously deteriorated the relationship between the West and Russia led by the United States. The Balkans is the main base of Russia's southward strategy, and Russia and South Africa are historical allies. NATO's attack on Yugoslavia means interrupting Russia's strategic fulcrum in the Balkans. After the Kosovo war, Russia decided to revise its military theory and was ready to reconsider its disarmament plan. Secondly, the Kosovo war has alerted Europe. Former French Defense Minister Mignon published an article on April 9, saying: "The war against Serbian nationalism launched by NATO in the spring of 1999 may be a starting point for Europe's awakening. It made Europe realize that if it wants to maintain its political presence on the international stage, especially on its own continent, it must have its own defense." After the Kosovo war, more and more European countries expressed dissatisfaction with the hegemonic style of the United States in NATO affairs. Although the United States has been worried that the development of European defense features may shake its dominant position in European security, it even warned that the day when European defense features are truly formed is the time when NATO exists in name only. However, since the second half of this year, the EU has accelerated the pace of building common defense. Third, the Kosovo war also taught developing countries from the opposite side. The vast number of developing countries, including India, Indonesia and Algeria, have further realized that today's world is still a powerful one. In order to safeguard national independence and sovereignty, the nation must unite and the country must be strong.

With the end of the Kosovo war, all major powers in the world are adjusting their security strategies, and the attempt of the United States to establish a unipolar world will be more and more resisted, and the trend of world multipolarization will be even more irresistible.