1956 this year has been eventful, and some major events have taken place in the east and west, the most influential of which is the riots in Poland and Hungary in which people took to the streets to protest against the authorities. The Polish incident and the subsequent conflict between Poland and the Soviet Union were peacefully resolved. However, in Hungary, the protests turned into riots beyond the control of the authorities, and the incident did not end until Soviet tanks entered Budapest.

A bombshell exploded.

1956 What happened in Poland and Hungary should start from the 20th Congress of the CPSU. 1956 In February, the cold still enveloped Moscow, but the atmosphere in the Kremlin was very warm. /kloc-from 0/4 to 25, the 20th Congress of the Soviet Union is being held here. This congress is the first national congress of the Soviet Party held after Stalin's death, and it is a series of adjustments and confirmations of the internal and external policies of the Soviet Union. It is also an important milestone in ending the Stalin era. Also invited to attend the meeting were delegations from the * * * Production Party and the Labor Party from 55 countries. In this meeting, the most explosive thing happened after the closing of the conference on the afternoon of the 24th. At midnight 1 1: 30, the conference informed the delegates that another meeting would be held. Some delegates have left the hotel and were urgently recalled to attend the "secret" conference. According to the special decision of the Presidium of the Congress, this was a secret meeting, so no foreign delegation was invited. At this secret meeting, Khrushchev, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, gave a report entitled "On Personality Worship and Its Consequences", also known as "Secret Report". The report reveals the mistakes made by Stalin with a lot of amazing facts, and discusses the serious consequences and harm brought by Stalin's personality cult. Khrushchev first published Lenin's letter to the 12th Party Congress. When Stalin was alive, this letter was sealed tightly. Lenin commented on Stalin in this letter, pointing out that "Stalin is very rude" and suggested that Congress should promote Stalin from the post of general secretary and find someone who is more patient, obedient, kind, caring for comrades and less willful than Stalin. All the mistakes made by Stalin later proved that Lenin's fears were completely correct. In this way, Khrushchev first deprived Stalin of the sacred aura of being Lenin's student, comrade-in-arms and legitimate heir. Then the report pointed out the fact that Stalin abused his power, first dismissed opponents or people with different views from their leadership positions, and then physically eliminated them. Exposed a large number of unjust, false and misjudged cases during Stalin's period, which led to the arrest and execution of a large number of loyal producers and revolutionary cadres and undermined socialist democracy and the legal system. The report also talked about Stalin's mistakes in agricultural and ethnic policies, and also talked about the mistakes before and at the beginning of the anti-fascist war, which led to the serious defeat of the Red Army. The report reveals how Stalin created and appreciated his personal worship, and puts forward relevant measures to eliminate this worship in theory and practice. Finally, Khrushchev stressed that this issue should not be publicized outside the party, especially in newspapers, so as not to be used by the enemy. Although Khrushchev proposed to keep this report strictly confidential, in fact, he himself did not want to do so. A few days after the closing of the congress, the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union issued instructions to convey the full text of the report to the party activists, which was soon conveyed at all the party member meetings of all grass-roots organizations in the Soviet Union. The so-called "secret report" soon became a household name in the Soviet Union. In May, the CIA got the full text of the "secret report" from the Poles and published it. Khrushchev's "secret report" had a great influence, just like an atomic bomb, which triggered a powerful shock wave. For decades, Stalin's name, his quotations, his achievements, his portraits and statues have been everywhere. Stalin is not only the spiritual pillar of the Soviet Union, but also the spiritual pillar of producers all over the world. Now, in front of Khrushchev's report, Stalin's sacred image has been shattered, and people's spiritual shock can be imagined. It is the eastern European countries that are most impacted by Khrushchev's "secret report". Most of these countries were liberated from fascist Germany by the Soviet Red Army at the end of World War II. Without exception, they all adopt the Soviet model and use the experience of the Soviet Union to establish state power and carry out construction. Leaders of some countries also carried out appalling political cleansing at home like Stalin. When Khrushchev exposed Stalin's mistakes in the "secret report", the people of eastern European countries asked their leaders to correct their past mistakes, rehabilitate the unjust, false and wrong cases, and show the social sentiment of getting rid of the "Stalin model" and Soviet control. Faced with the sudden impact, the leaders of some eastern European countries are at a loss. Beirut, general secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party, who was leading a delegation to attend the 20th Congress of the Soviet Union at that time, said in a statement: "We were saddened to learn that Stalin had done bad things, and the Polish people were very grateful for Stalin's wisdom and assistance ..." He could not bear such a blow and did not return home with the Polish delegation. He died suddenly in Moscow on March 12, 2002. Subsequently, great social unrest occurred in Poland.

Workers in Poznan took to the streets.

After the death of Beirut, the Polish United Workers' Party elected Ochab as the first secretary. After Ochab came to power, he frankly admitted many mistakes made by the party in the past, adjusted domestic policies and took some positive measures. For example, 1948 was wrong to publicly criticize Ge Mulka, then general secretary of the Party, at Stalin's behest; Thousands of imprisoned innocent citizens were rehabilitated and released from prison; Radkiewicz, a member of the Political Bureau in charge of the security department, was removed from his post, and the social and political atmosphere quietly eased. At this time, the Polish Party also emphasized the maintenance of Poland's independence and proposed to improve people's lives. However, time waits for no one. Obviously, the leaders of the Polish Party did not keep up with the situation after the 20th Congress of the Soviet Union, criticized the cult of personality, resolutely reviewed and corrected the mistakes made by the Party in the past ruling period, and especially underestimated the political and economic demands of the people. People's discontent finally broke out. 1In early June, 1956, the workers of Cegerski Factory in Poznan (Stalin Locomotive and Rolling Stock Factory) demanded the refund of taxes that should not have been collected in the past three years, and also demanded the reform of the wage system. As the Poznan Provincial Party Committee has no right to answer the workers' demands, the workers elected a 30-member delegation to Warsaw to negotiate with Roman Feider, Minister of Machinery Industry, hoping to meet their demands. During the negotiation, the minister replied that it was possible to reduce taxes, but it was impossible to raise wages. The delegation replied that if the workers' demands were rejected, they would go on strike on June 28th. The minister said angrily, "If you go to the street, you will meet tanks!" " "The talks broke down and the two sides broke up in discord. The delegation conveyed the news of the failure of the negotiations to the factory workers by telephone. At the factory workers' meeting on June 27, the workers were very angry when they learned that the petition failed, and decided to petition the municipal authorities in Freedom Square in the city center before the delegation came back. On June 28th, more than 65,438+00000 workers in Cegerski factory went on strike and took to the streets. They marched in the direction of the city center, and many people joined the parade along the way. There are about 4000 party member in the parade. At about 9 o'clock, tens of thousands of people gathered in the downtown square and its vicinity. At first, the parade was orderly and calm. After the motorcade arrived at the square, they sent representatives to ask the leaders of the municipal party Committee to meet, but the leaders of the municipal party Committee refused to meet, which made the people in the square angry and explosive. At this time, the rumor that the workers' delegation to Warsaw was arrested by the Ministry of Public Security spread rapidly among the masses and aroused a wave of anger. Someone shouted, "Go to prison!" "Find them and let them out! "Wait for the slogan. At the same time, someone posted a placard prepared in advance: "We don't want empty checks, we want bread and freedom! """Release the prisoners!" "Down with the secret police!" "Go home, Russian!" Angry slogans resounded through the square. The marchers raided the prison on Mwinska Street, disarmed the guards, released 257 prisoners and occupied the armory. Later, it attacked the court and the office building of the provincial public security department. There was a gun battle in front of the public security building, and many people fell in a pool of blood. The demonstration has turned into a bloody conflict. The events in Poznan shocked the highest authorities. In order to quell the riots, the Polish the Political Bureau of the Central Committee decided to send troops to suppress the rioters, and it was decided that Staniwas Waf Poplavski, Deputy Minister of Defense, would command the troops. He went to Poznan with the Prime Minister Joseph West Lankiewicz, who was in charge of the whole operation. General Poplawski drew troops from two local military academies and nearby training camps and quickly controlled the situation. On the evening of June 28, the incident was quelled. In the Poznan incident, 53 people were killed, more than 300 people were injured and 323 people were arrested. On the 30th, a heavy rain washed away the blood on the streets of Poznan, and the city seemed to be calm again. However, it caused a great shock in the hearts of the Polish people. After the Poznan incident was quelled, the Polish party and government took some pension measures to ease the contradictions. On June 30, the burial ceremony of the deceased was held in various cemeteries in Poznan, and Cyrankiewicz and other party and government leaders also attended the funeral. 10 in July, the government announced that it would repay the factory workers more than 6.5 million zlotys (Polish currency name) originally collected from the workers in Segsky factory in installments. Roman Fadel, Minister of Machinery Industry, was dismissed. However, since then, the situation in Poland has been turbulent, and factories across the country have gone on strike and demonstrated, and many factories have set up workers' committees.

Hope in October

There are differences on the views and handling methods of Poznan incident between the two sides, which developed into the "October incident" of the conflict between Poland and the Soviet Union. At first, the Polish party and government also believed that the Poznan incident was provoked by "imperialist agents" and hidden reactionaries using workers' dissatisfaction, and it was a "serious riot" against the people's political power. Later, the leaders of the Polish Party changed their views on this incident. On July 18, the Polish United Workers' Party held its seventh plenary session. Ochab, the first secretary of the party, pointed out in his report that the party and the government should bear the main responsibility for the Poznan incident. He said that when looking for the cause of the Poznan incident, "it is wrong to focus our attention on the conspiracy of instigators and imperialist lackeys." Through the analysis of the incident, I think a large part of the responsibility lies in the bureaucracy and ignorance of the central and local leaders. He stressed: "The Poznan incident is a warning that there is a major mistake in the relationship between the party and the people at all levels." Based on this understanding, he proposed in his report that immediate measures should be taken to overcome the mistakes made by the party and the government in the past, realize the rationalization of economic management and political democratization, and improve people's lives. According to the report of OCHA, the plenary session adopted resolutions on the political and economic situation and the main tasks of the Party. The resolution holds that the main cause of the Poznan incident is economic negligence, and points out that there are serious "personality worship, bureaucratic degeneration and lack of democracy within the party" in the party's work. The plenary session decided to start with the rationalization of economic management, the democratization of political life and the improvement of people's lives, implement the socialist innovation line, and ease the spear and shield with the people. The plenary session restored the reputation of former Party General Secretary Ge Mulka, who was expelled from the Party during the "Great Cleanup", from 65438 to 1949. After the Seventh Plenary Session, around the innovation of economic and political system and the necessity of replacing party and government cadres, there were heated discussions and debates inside and outside the Party. The broad masses of the people support the party's innovative line, and their hearts have ignited a new fire of hope. The people's thoughts are very active, and they have had heated discussions and debates on major issues in the economic, political, ideological and cultural fields of the country. The nature, scope and content of socialist innovation, party building and relations with the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union are all issues for discussion and debate. The broad masses of the people demand the reorganization of the leading bodies of the Party and the government, and hope that Ge Mulka will be the first secretary of the Party. Persuaded by Cyrankiewicz, Ochab agreed to resign as the first secretary of the party and let Gomulka take over. At that time, in the eyes of most Poles, Mulka was a politician who defended national independence, a victim of personality cult and a leader who could lead Poland forward. Due to different views on a series of major issues at home and abroad, opposing factions have emerged within the Polish United Workers Party. 10 10 13, the polish party held a meeting of the political bureau to discuss the situation and the convening of the eighth plenary session. Gomulka attended the meeting, although he was not a member of the Politburo. At the meeting, the power of advocating innovation was absolutely dominant, which made conservatives feel that their position was in jeopardy. They telegraphed to the Soviet Union for help and planned a military coup in an attempt to arrest a group of innovative leaders on the eve of the Eighth Plenary Session. Originally, Poland and the Soviet Union had fundamentally different views on the Poznan incident and its handling. The statement of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union published by Pravda on June 30 said that Poznan's "anti-people's uprising" was planned by American imperialism with the aim of subverting the socialist country. After the viewpoint of the Polish Party Central Committee changed, Soviet leaders still adhered to this viewpoint. After the Seventh Plenary Session of the Polish Party, the situation in Poland is changing rapidly, and the call for innovation is very high. It requires innovative measures in various fields, especially the establishment of relations between Poland and the Soviet Union on the basis of equality, safeguarding national independence and strict supervision by public opinion, which makes Soviet leaders fidgety and worried that Poland will lose control and cause a chain reaction in Eastern Europe. Therefore, it requires Polish party and government delegations to go to Moscow for talks. The Politburo of the Polish Party politely declined the invitation of Su * * * on the grounds that the upcoming Eighth Plenary Session could not be separated. This made the Soviet leaders very angry and worried, so they decided to directly intervene in Poland's internal affairs to prevent the situation in Poland from developing against the will of the Soviet Union. 10 On the day of the Eighth Plenary Session of the Polish Party, Khrushchev personally led "a group of powerful people" to visit Warsaw without being invited by the Polish Party, including mikoyan, Molotov, Ka Ganovic, konev Yuan Shuai (Warsaw Pact Commander), Antonov (Soviet Chief of Staff) and others, and suddenly flew to Warsaw. The plane is not allowed to land without notifying the airport in advance. The plane circled over the airport for nearly an hour before landing. At the same time, Soviet leaders mobilized troops, and Soviet troops stationed in Poland began to move to Warsaw and other cities. They also mobilized troops from East Prussia into Poland and sent more warships to Polish ports to form a siege of Warsaw. At that time, the Polish Party was holding its eighth plenary session. At first, Mulka, Spychalski, Klishko and Solvinsky were jointly elected as members of the Central Committee, and it was decided that the former Politburo would resign and the Central Committee would elect a new Politburo. At the end of this agenda, Ochab announced to the plenary session that the Soviet delegation had arrived in Warsaw and suggested a temporary recess, because the Soviet delegation requested to hold talks with the delegation of the Political Bureau of the Polish Party immediately. Mulka also participated in the talks with the Soviet delegation as a candidate for the first secretary. At the airport, Khrushchev was arrogant to the leaders of the Polish Party and angrily reprimanded the members of the delegation of the Politburo of the Polish Party. He shouted, "We shed blood for this country, and now you are trying to sell it to Americans and Zionists. This is impossible, absolutely impossible. " Mulka replied, "We shed more blood than you, and we didn't sell Poland to anyone." Khrushchev looked at Mulka and asked, "Who is he?" "I am Mulka, and I was imprisoned by you for three years." Khrushchev asked in surprise, "What is he doing here?" Ochab replied, "He came here because we decided to elect him as the first secretary." Khrushchev shouted angrily: "Yes, yes, there is betrayal. We have to come. This is not only a question of the relationship between Poland and the Soviet Union. You have endangered our position in Germany, and you have threatened the entire Eastern European Group ". After Khrushchev got angry, he asked to drive to the place where the Polish Central Committee met to attend the meeting of the Polish Central Committee. This request was rejected by the leaders of the Polish Party, and the delegations of the two sides held talks in Belfantel Palace. During the talks, Khrushchev still insisted that the Soviet delegation attend the plenary session of the Polish Central Committee, and disagreed with the list of members of the new Politburo proposed by Gor Mulka, saying that the list "excluded excellent producers of * * *" and "you are opening the way for reactionaries and counter-revolutionaries. The Politburo cannot be reorganized, and your new candidate list will destroy socialism. We have the right to ask the meeting to listen to our opinions. " These demands were rejected and refuted by the leaders of Polish political parties. The leader of the Polish Party pointed out that many problems between Poland and the Soviet Union were caused by the participation of Soviets in the plenary session of the Polish Party Central Committee. Ochab pointed out that the Soviet Union's attendance at the meeting was not conducive to "good relations between the two sides." During the talks, the leaders of the Polish Party learned that Soviet troops were marching into Warsaw. Ochab asked, "Is it true?" Khrushchev replied, "That's true. Warsaw is actually surrounded. " Soviet leaders tried to force the leaders of Polish political parties into submission by threatening to use force. Ohab and Gomurka fought resolutely. Ochab said: "If you think you can detain us here and launch an armed coup outside, you are wrong. We are ready. " Gomurka said, "Unless you transfer the troops immediately, we will leave here. We refused to talk to the artillery aimed at Warsaw. If you don't stop the advance of the Soviet army, I will speak to the people through the radio. " Due to the resolute struggle of the leaders of the Polish Party, Khrushchev had to order the Soviet troops to stop moving forward. Khrushchev saw that the threat of force did not change his strategy. He said with a big smile, we are not here to intimidate you, but to help you. The Soviet Union is willing to immediately provide a loan of 200 million gold rubles to be used when the Poles think it is appropriate. He also expressed support for Mulka and others to enter the Politburo, but rokossovsky and others must also be allowed to enter the Politburo. Rokossovsky was sent by Stalin to join the Politburo of the Polish Party in 1949. Although Polish, he joined the Soviet Red Army in 19 18 and was a marshal of the Soviet Union. The leader of the Polish Party replied that economic issues would not be discussed until the problems of the new leader were solved. On rokossovsky, Gomurka said that the Polish people regarded him as a symbol of Soviet control. The talks were suspended and the leaders of the Polish Party returned to the Central Plenary Session. Ochab announced the collective resignation of the former Politburo and the list of members of the new Politburo. He himself offered to resign as the first secretary, and proposed that Mulka be the first secretary. Rokossovsky and others were excluded from the new Politburo. When the broad masses in Warsaw learned about the list of the new Politburo and the news of negotiations with the Soviets, they were very excited. Workers and students held rallies and demonstrations on the road outside the negotiation meeting, chanting slogans in support of Mulka. Grassroots organs, factories and schools in Warsaw have organized militia, and workers sent representatives to the army to fight for officers and men, hoping that they would stand up and safeguard national independence. Workers, students and soldiers all stood on the side of the CPC Central Committee, ready to deal with the Soviet invasion. As the talks continued, the Soviets still insisted that rokossovsky should join the Politburo. Cyrankiewicz pointed out that the new list of candidates for the Politburo has been made public and this new list cannot be changed. The talks lasted until the night of 19, but Khrushchev's carrot and stick failed. When Khrushchev learned from rokossovsky that most Polish troops did not listen to his command, he had to give in. He said with a smile, it is your own business to send people to the Politburo. He asked for a communique reaffirming the friendship between Poland and the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union promised to order the troops to withdraw to the base. Polish Party leaders explained to Soviet leaders that democratization is the Communist Party of China (CPC)'s innovative policy, which aims at establishing a political system that is beneficial to Poles, rather than destroying the Warsaw Pact, and emphasized that Polish-Soviet friendship is the foundation of Poland's foreign policy. A communique was issued after the meeting. The Soviet delegation returned home the next morning. Soon, rokossovsky also returned to the Soviet Union, which was the "October Incident". The eighth plenary session of the Polish Party continued, and a new Politburo was re-elected. Gomurkadan was elected as the first secretary of the Central Committee. At the meeting, he put forward innovative routes and reform measures. He believes that in the Poznan incident, workers ran into the street. "They are not protesting the people's Poland, not socialism. They are protesting against the ills that are common in our social system and they feel painfully. They are protesting against the distortion of the basic principles of socialism. " He said: "It is politically naive to say that the tragic Poznan tragedy was caused by imperialist agents and provocateurs." The Eighth Plenary Session of the Polish Party inspired the whole country, and people had high hopes for Mulka. The social crisis in Poland has passed.

Najib's ups and downs

1956 what happened in Hungary is related to Najib's personal fate. Nagy imre was born in a peasant family and worked. He became a Bolshevik in World War I and began to fight for Hungary to get rid of the rule of the old dynasty and establish the Soviet Republic. For this reason, he was arrested and took refuge in the Soviet Union in 1928, and engaged in research work in the Soviet Institute of Agricultural Sciences. During World War II, Najib actively participated in the anti-fascist struggle and became the leader of the Hungarian resistance movement at that time. Because of his outstanding performance, he became a member of the Hungarian the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee in 1945. Subsequently, he served as the minister of several ministries. 1949, dismissed for opposing the cooperative movement. However, he publicly admitted his mistake and was re-elected as a member of the Politburo at the next Party Congress. 1950 served as minister of grain and later as minister of procurement. After 1953, Najib became the deputy prime minister of the government. Subsequently, due to the Soviet Union's interference in Hungary's internal affairs, Najib was promoted to the position of Prime Minister and was involved in the political whirlpool. 1953 In June, three months after Stalin's death, a large-scale demonstration for a better life broke out in Berlin, Germany. At this time, other countries in Eastern Europe also showed signs of unrest because of the dissatisfaction of the masses. In order to stabilize the eastern European countries, the new leaders of the Soviet Union attached great importance to this and asked the leaders of the eastern European countries to make appropriate adjustments to their domestic policies. In this context, the Soviet Union led a Hungarian party and government delegation to visit Moscow, headed by Rakosi, First Secretary of the Hungarian Production Party and Prime Minister of the Hungarian government. Najib never dreamed that this trip to Moscow changed his fate. In addition to Rakosi, there are Dobby, chairman of the Hungarian Presidium, Gro, the top agent of the Soviet National Security Council in Hungary, and Facas, commander-in-chief of the Hungarian national armed forces. Surprisingly, Najib is also on the list of delegations released by Moscow. Soviet leaders attending the secret meeting included Prime Minister malenkov (Stalin's successor), Khrushchev, mikoyan, Molotov, beria, bulganin, suslov, KasGanovic, voroshilov and others. The atmosphere during the meeting was very tense. After greeting the Hungarians coldly, malenkov sternly said to Rakosi, "The situation there is very bad. As far as I know, there have been riots in your industrial centers Seipel, Ozd and Dios. " Rakosi began to argue, but mikoyan interrupted him. "You want to silence us with numbers. We also have such figures, but they are different from yours. In the process of industrialization, you have taken great risks. You have built a new steel industrial city without any coke. You can't even give the working people enough food, so you frantically build expensive subways. The peasants who are forcibly collectivized by you can't even produce seeds. In addition, most of them suffer in your concentration camps. " Rakosi is pale. Indeed, as the Soviets said, the First Secretary of the Hungarian Communist Party, known as "Stalin of Hungary", is pushing his country into the abyss. 1June, 948, Rakosi made a shocking "Laeq case". Hungarian people * * and Rajk László, Minister of the Interior and member of the Political Bureau, were arrested on charges of "American intelligence agents", "Yugoslav spies", "Holti (head of Hungarian government before World War II) police spies", "planning armed riots" and "murdering the leader of the * * * production party". A few days later, several main defendants related to the Laeq case were hanged one by one. 195 1 in may, Rakosi started another big cleaning. Every day, members of the Central Committee "go out for a trip" and disappear from there. Many senior officers in the army disappeared overnight. In the Ministry of Internal Affairs alone, Cadal, who succeeded Luck as minister, was arrested and secretly sentenced to life imprisonment. Dole Zeold, the successor to the Minister of the Interior, also committed suicide soon, and the authorities announced that they were "spies of the French Secret Intelligence Agency". In addition, in the national economic construction, Rakosi, Gro and Fakash Mikhail formed a "troika". They enthusiastically proposed to turn Hungary into a "country of steel" within five years. Therefore, in the whole national economic structure, 90% investment is used to develop heavy industry, and 2/3 of all industrial investment is used to develop mining and metallurgy. This impossible plan has seriously weakened light industry, service industry and agriculture. Rakosi also advocated that "within three or four years, 90% of farmers should cultivate land in socialist collectives". Therefore, many places are forced to organize agricultural production cooperatives. Most farmers who join cooperatives are the poorest and landless. They lack production experience, do not have enough livestock, almost no machines, and 70% of the harvest depends on manual work. This reduced farmers' income by two-thirds. They also do everything possible to increase the burden on farmers and implement the so-called "forced sales system", that is, the sales index is getting higher and higher, while the purchase price is getting lower and lower. Those who dare to resist the sale can be sentenced to up to three years in prison. As a result, a large number of farmers had to flee the countryside, leaving a lot of barren land uncultivated. Changes in rural economy have seriously affected the living standards of urban residents. 195 1, many basic foods and industrial daily necessities began to be supplied by ticket. There is a long queue in front of the shop. In order to make up the fiscal deficit, the Hungarian government issues "peace bonds" every year, which increases the burden on the people. The living standards of the Hungarian people have fallen sharply. By 1952, the actual wage-income ratio of state employees had dropped by 20%, and anger spread rapidly among the people. However, Rakosi and his gang ignored the disaster. They fabricate lies, cover up the facts and deceive the people. And put those who dare to tell the truth in prison. During this period, Hungary established a large number of "detention centers", and thousands of people were imprisoned for a long time without any legal procedures. Most of them are workers and farmers. They were locked up for stealing food from the cooperative or killing a pig a few kilograms less than the prescribed weight, and they were not released for a long time. All this is caused by Rakosi. Khrushchev didn't say a word at this time. He shouted to him: "You have greatly damaged your people! You have committed many crimes! In the long run, people will drive you out of the country with feces. " Beria echoed: "What do you want to be? Do you want to be the emperor of the Jews? " Malenkov continued quietly: "Comrade Rakosi, you are an old soldier in sports, and you must know the current situation. The leading bodies should delegate power to comrades who are proficient in affairs. What do you think of this? " At this time, Rakosi was livid, and the accusation against the Soviet army was only obedience. Khrushchev advised him to choose someone who could handle state affairs. After a long awkward silence, Malenkov suggested, "What do you think of nagy imre?" Rakosi took a look at Najib, just like seeing him for the first time. He said, "nagy imre is a universal wish, but …" However, the Soviets caught the topic without letting him finish the rest: "So you don't know who to give power to? We have known nagy imre since the revolution. 19 18 when the Hungarian production party did not exist, he was party member of the Bolshevik party ... and he was a respected expert in the leadership of the production party. Besides, he is also a member of your Politburo. He was born as a farmer and was once a farmer and a professor. We trust Comrade nagy imre. He can work with you to improve the situation in your country. " Later, Najib expressed his gratitude to the comrades of the Political Bureau of the Soviet Union for their trust in him. He briefly talked about the tasks of the new leadership in Budapest: ending police terror; Rehabilitate the innocent; Reasonable investment policy and giving farmers more freedom. Molotov interrupted Najib and said, "Not just more freedom, but complete freedom! Whoever disapproves of collective farms can quit. It doesn't matter. " When the Hungarian delegation walked out of the meeting room, the once arrogant Rakosi let Najib go ahead and said, "Come on, imre, now you are the leader." In this way, Najib was pushed to the throne of the Hungarian government by the Soviet army and began his ever-changing political career. After Najib became prime minister, the conflict with Rakosi began. As the leader of the Party, Rakosi continued to advocate strengthening industrial production by using his power, while Najib emphasized increasing agricultural production and increasing residents' consumption. In addition, a fierce conflict broke out between Rakosi and Naji on the issue of releasing imprisoned prisoners. Najib advocated the unconditional release of all innocent prisoners, including some foreigners accused of being "spies" for no reason, while Rakosi insisted that these people were guilty and could not be released. As a result of this dispute, both Hungarian leaders visited Moscow in May 1954. In Moscow, Rakosi was severely reprimanded and warned by Khrushchev. At the end of May, the Hungarian Production Party held its third congress, and Najib's policy was well received by the congress. However, just after 1955, things began to change. 1955 1 month, a political struggle took place in the Kremlin, and Malenkov was criticized by his political enemies. 1in August, 953, he proposed at the meeting of the Supreme Soviet, "In order to rapidly improve people's material and cultural life.