The State Duma (1906— 19 17) is the representative body of the Russian parliament. At the beginning of the 20th century, due to the development of Russian capitalism and the strengthening of bourgeois economic and political power, especially the strong pressure of the 1905 revolution, the tsar was forced to convene the legislative State Duma. With the help of the State Duma, the czar government tried to win over the bourgeoisie, expand the foundation of unified rule and eliminate the revolution. The activities of the State Duma have caused changes in domestic social and political life, and have had a great impact on the development of Russian history.

Composition of the State Duma

Duma (ддддддддддддддддддддддддддддд /kloc-The Duma of Bojar, which appeared in the 20th century, was the earliest institution named after this name. Originally composed of princes, attendants and local nobles, it gradually became the highest consultation organ under the tsar. Repealed on 17 1 1. During the existence of the Duma in Bojar, the czar often did not hold a plenary meeting, but only discussed state affairs with his cronies. This is the "near minister Duma" or "central Duma" as mentioned in the history books. Another organization named after Duma is the Municipal Duma established by 1785, which was a municipal management portal and existed until the October Revolution. /kloc-since the 0/9th century, due to the crisis of serfdom and the development of capitalism, the czar's autocratic system has been impacted. 1809, Speranski, Minister of the High Command Department, was ordered to draft the Draft Plan for the Reform of the State System (namely, Introduction to the State Code), and clearly put forward the idea of establishing the State Duma and the local Duma composed of elected representatives for the first time, but it failed to come true. During the reform period in the middle of19th century, a so-called government constitutionalism emerged in the ruling group, which advocated reforming the state system according to the principle of representative system. However, in the 1980s and 1990s, Russia entered a period of "counter-reform", and reactionary aristocrats and serf owners proposed to completely correct the "mistakes" in abolishing serfdom, which led to the problem of establishing a state agency still unresolved. At the beginning of the 20th century, with the greater development of capitalism, the change of class relations, the growth of the bourgeoisie and the complication of state functions, especially the outbreak of the 1905 revolution, the czar government had to reconsider and begin to reform the state system. 1905 After Bloody Sunday, the revolutionary wave surged. The tsarist ruling group is divided in decision-making. On February 18, 2008, the czar issued letters and decrees without prior notice to his ministers. The imperial edict rebuked "leaders who are arrogant, ignorant and maliciously rebellious are bold" and plotted to "destroy the current state system" ... and establish a new state management system ". However, the imperial edict authorized organs and individuals to make suggestions on "improving the public welfare of the country and improving the welfare of the people" and "directly" to the tsar through the Council of Ministers. These two documents puzzled the members of the Council of Ministers who attended the command meeting, so they unanimously passed the czar's decree and handed it to Brian, the Minister of the Interior. Among them, it is announced that residents' representatives should be allowed to "participate in the preliminary formulation and discussion of legislative proposals", that is, they promised to establish people's representative institutions. Therefore, it was decided to set up a special committee, chaired by Brian, to discuss relevant issues and formulate corresponding laws. Although the contents of these three documents released on the same day are different, the purpose is the same, that is, do everything possible to extend the life of the authoritarian system. 1905 Spring and summer, the revolutionary movement developed more rapidly. Peasant riots broke out in counties above 1/5, and the number of strikers reached 360,000 in May. The Rhode Island strike turned into an armed uprising in June, and the "potemkin" cruiser uprising at the same time showed that the army had also been involved in the revolutionary movement. In this situation, the czar government was forced to speed up the reform. The Council of Ministers discussed the draft of the brigham Committee and submitted it to the Council of Ministers for final consideration in July. On August 6th, the Constitution of the State Duma and the Election Law of the State Duma were formally promulgated, along with the imperial edict of the Tsar. An unshakable autocratic system is the premise of the so-called "reform". The tsar announced: "Under the condition that the fundamental law of the Russian Empire, which stipulates the essence of autocratic power, is inviolable, I think it is necessary to establish the State Duma, approve the Duma election law, and make it effective throughout the empire." Regarding the nature of the Duma, Article 1 of the Constitution of the State Duma stipulates that "the State Duma is established to formulate and discuss legislative proposals in advance", while the imperial edict clearly points out that the State Duma is "a special legislative advisory body among the highest state institutions". The election law of the State Duma divides voters into three voter units: landowners, cities and farmers, and stipulates restrictions such as high property qualifications. For example, land ownership voters must own 100-800 mu of land, and urban voters must own real estate worth 1500 rubles, thus depriving most residents of their right to vote. The proposed Duma, named "Brigan Duma", is just a shoddy fake of the people's representative office. Bolsheviks mercilessly exposed the essence of their deception, and put forward the slogans of "overthrowing the Duma" and "convening a constitutional convention". There was a national boycott, and Dumabrigam died in infancy. On June+10, 5438, the all-Russian political general strike began, with nearly 2 million participants, including students, teachers, staff, engineers and doctors. The revolutionary movement was in full swing, the whole country was paralyzed, and the tsarist system was in turmoil. After 654381October 9, Nicholas II summoned Victor, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, to hold consultations on the domestic situation. Forced by the situation, Nicholas II signed the imperial edict drafted by Victor in June 65438+10/October 65438+July, and immediately announced it together with the maintenance memorial. The main contents of the imperial edict are as follows: first, according to the principles of inviolability of the person and freedom of belief, speech, assembly and association, citizens are given freedom; Second, the class that has not yet had the right to vote will be absorbed into the Duma, and universal suffrage will be gradually implemented in accordance with the newly stipulated legislative procedures; Third, no law can take effect without the approval of the State Duma, ensuring that deputies elected by the people can actually supervise the activities of government organs. 10 17 The promulgation of the imperial edict was the result of the heroic struggle of the proletariat and the masses. As Lenin said, "The concession of the tsar was indeed an extremely great victory of the revolution." Of course, the legislative Duma is quite different from the demands of the proletariat for "democratic founding of the country" and "constitutional assembly", and the promise of "freedom" is just a dead letter. More importantly, the imperial edict of 10 17 was only a retreat that the czar system was forced to make under the heavy blow of the all-Russian political general strike. Instead of being destroyed, the tsarist system is waiting for the opportunity to launch a revolution again. The Bolsheviks called on the proletariat to persist in the struggle. In 65438+February, armed uprisings broke out in Moscow, Kharkov and other places, and the proletariat and the czar system fought to the death. While cruelly suppressing the workers' uprising, the czar government promulgated the new State Duma Election Law on 65438+February 1 1. The new election law allows workers to participate in elections. To this end, in addition to the three voter units stipulated in the original Burrigan electoral law, the workers' electoral college was added, and the scope of urban voters was also expanded. However, the nature of this election law is still anti-people and anti-democracy. First, there is no universal suffrage. All women, students, young people under the age of 25, active servicemen and nomadic people are deprived of the right to vote. Second, the election is unequal. The landlord electoral college produced 1 candidate from 2,000 voters, while the urban electoral college, the peasant electoral college and the workers electoral college produced 1 candidate from 7,000, 30,000 and 90,000 voters respectively, that is, the landlord's 1 vote was equal to 3 votes of the urban bourgeoisie, 15 votes of the peasants and workers. Third, the election is not direct. The big landlord and the municipal electoral college are two-level elections. Workers and small landlords are elected at three levels. Farmers are elected at four levels. Fourth, the election is actually not secret, but closely monitored by the government and the police. The total number of Duma members is 524. 1906 On February 20th, the czar government promulgated the new constitution of the State Duma. Regarding the composition of the State Duma, the Constitution stipulates that deputies to the Duma are elected by imperial residents for a term of five years. The work and recess of each annual session of the Duma are decided by the Emperor, who has the right to dissolve the Duma before the end of the legal term of each session. The quorum of the Duma meeting shall not be less than1/3 of the total number of members of the session. The Duma elects 1 chairman and 2 vice-chairmen at each annual meeting, and can be re-elected 1 secretary-general; In order to pre-examine the affairs within the scope of authority, the Duma can set up departments and committees, the number, composition and working objects of which are decided by the Duma itself, and so on. With regard to the powers of the Duma, the Constitution stipulates that the Duma has legislative power (including the right to propose bills), the right to approve the state budget and the right to make inquiries. With regard to the procedure of the Duma, it is stipulated that the draft legislation should be submitted to the Duma by ministers or department heads, Duma committees and the State Council; The resolution of the Duma must be adopted by a majority of the plenary session, and the draft legislation adopted by the Duma is transmitted to the State Council; A draft that has not been adopted by the State Duma or the State Council is regarded as a veto, and the adopted draft is submitted to the emperor by the chairman of the State Council; If the draft proposed and adopted by the State Duma or the State Council has not been approved by the Emperor, it may not be submitted for legislative consideration again during this annual session, unless the Emperor allows it, and so on. It can be seen that the State Duma, which was established according to the original imperial edict of 10/7, already has the basic form and characteristics of parliament. Starting from 1906, the revolutionary movement turned into a low tide, and the czar government took the opportunity to do everything possible to limit the power of the Duma. The Constitution of the State Council promulgated at the same time as the Constitution of the State Duma stipulates that the State Council becomes the upper house and has the same power as the Duma. The Rules of Procedure for State Budget Examination promulgated on March 8 stipulates that the State Duma may not delete or modify the budget drafted by the highest administrative organ or according to the existing laws. Article 87 of the new version of the Basic Law of the State promulgated on April 23 stipulates: "When the Duma is not in session, if there is a measure that should be discussed through legislative procedures due to special circumstances, the Council of Ministers may directly propose it to the Emperor." These regulations are undoubtedly an infringement on the power of the Duma, and the changes in the field of national legislation after the imperial edict in October are in danger of vanishing.

The First State Duma

The first State Duma election was held in March and April of 1906. According to1February 905, the Bolsheviks decided to boycott the Duma election. With the change of the situation during the election, the revolution was low-key at the beginning and the boycott failed. Later, Lenin pointed out frankly: "The Bolsheviks boycotted the Duma in 1906. Although it was not a big mistake and easy to correct, it was already a mistake." There were 436 delegates attending the first Duma, and 499 when the first Duma was dissolved. Its party composition: progressives 12, peaceful reformers/25, democratic reformers 14, representatives of Polish parliamentary groups and other ethnic regions, Constitutional Democratic Party 1 0, working people, 97, Social Democratic Party 17 and independents10. Gangster parties get almost no seats (some gangs mix with independents). The Constitutional Democratic Party accounts for about 1/3. As a democratic reform party, representatives from ethnic minority areas and most independents voted with the Constitutional Democratic Party, which became the largest leading party in the Duma. The left wing, which is composed of the Labour Party and the Social Democratic Party (originally United with the Labour Party and later became an independent party group in June 12), accounts for nearly 1/4. This composition directly affected the activities of the first Duma. 1906 On April 27th, the opening ceremony of the State Duma and the State Council was held in the Georgi Hall of the Winter Palace. Nicholas II delivered a speech, welcoming the "outstanding people" elected by the people, and ensuring that the laws he "gave" to the people were "unshakable". After the ceremony, the delegates went to Whitehall of Tavrida Palace, where the Duma is located, and were welcomed by the crowd along the way. At 5 pm, Frish, Vice Chairman of the State Council, was entrusted by the Tsar to declare the first session of the State Duma open. The Duma elected Professor Muromtsev as chairman, Duke Dolgorukov and Professor Grejskul as vice-chairmen, and Duke Sachovsky as secretary-general. They are all constitutional Democrats. The first few meetings of the Duma discussed the reply to the emperor's speech. This discussion is of great significance. It will determine the tasks and work direction of the Duma, in fact, it will decide the action plan. After a heated debate, on May 5, the Duma passed a reply in the form of not voting against it. Its main contents are: according to the principle of compulsory nationalization of private land, solve the land problem; Reform the people's representative system based on universal suffrage; Establish a responsible cabinet responsible to the Duma, reform the central and local administrative agencies, and abolish the the State Council; Stop all extraordinary legal and political amnesties and abolish the death penalty; Equality of citizens, elimination of hierarchical restrictions and privileges; Independence of judicial power and so on. The program of the Duma is incompatible with the idea of the czar government. On May 13, Gorie Mekin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, issued a government statement at the Duma meeting, publicly claiming that the Duma's request exceeded its authority and the government would not consider it. The government statement caused an uproar. After Gorem King Kong finished speaking, Nabokov, a representative of the Constitutional Democratic Party, immediately ran to the podium and said, "We are full of disappointment and distrust." He shouted: "The executive power must obey the legislative power." "I can't guarantee that farmers can hold back their anger and not go to the uprising," said the farmer's representative, Loshev. . Finally, the Duma passed the proposal of Gerkin, the representative of the labor camp: "When the State Duma turned to routine affairs, it expressed its complete distrust of the cabinet that was not responsible for the people's representative organs, and believed that it was a necessary condition for the national peace and people's representative organs to carry out effective work if the current cabinet resigned immediately and was replaced by a cabinet trusted by Du Masi." The first State Duma discussed issues such as inviolability of the person, equality of civil rights, abolition of the death penalty and freedom of belief. The land issue is the most important issue in Russian society, so it naturally becomes the central topic of the Duma. How to raise and solve this problem remains to be seen by all classes. On May 8, the Duma began to discuss land issues. The Constitutional Democratic Party put forward the "Forty-two Draft Articles", demanding that part of the landlord's land be nationalized through redemption. They hope to make some concessions to the farmers in order to retain the ownership of the landlord's land. This "reform" is actually just a replica of the reform in 186 1. The labor faction put forward the "104 draft" in a tit-for-tat manner, insisting on the nationalization of all land in the end and handing it over to farmers on average according to "labor standards" These two drafts have become the main documents to discuss land issues. The discussion continued until June 1. In the case of maintaining differences, the Duma finally thought that "compulsory nationalization of private land" was a necessary principle to solve the land problem, and in June, it set up a land commission to prepare the land law according to this principle. The czar government opposed the principle of land nationalization put forward by Duma. As early as the government statement issued by the Goremykin Research Institute, it was declared that "it is absolutely not allowed to solve this problem according to the principles put forward by the State Duma". On June 20, the Council of Ministers issued a government notice, reiterating: "This concept has spread among rural residents, so ... all private land must be forcibly nationalized, which the government thinks is completely wrong." This provocative behavior of the czar government, which openly flouts the opinions of people's representative institutions, makes it difficult for the Duma to carry out legislative work. At the meeting on June 26th, 1 16 representatives jointly asked the chairman of the Council of Ministers questions. Kuzming-karavayev, a member of the Democratic Reform Party, proposed to immediately publish a letter to the people explaining the real situation of the land law preparation process, in fact, calling on the people to support the Duma. On July 6th, the Duma passed a letter to the people. The activities of the first State Duma on land issues and other issues made the czar government nervous. On July 9, the Duma delegates who went to attend the meeting found that the gate of Tavrida Palace was closed, and the military and police were heavily armed and heavily guarded. At the same time, the newspaper published the imperial edict and decree of the tsar reprimanding the Duma, declaring: "The representatives elected by the people did not engage in constructive legislative work, but set foot in areas that did not belong to them, investigated the actions of local authorities decided by me, and pointed out to me the imperfections of the fundamental law of the country, which can only be amended by the will of our monarch, and engaged in the obvious illegal behavior of Duma relying on people's books." The czar announced the dissolution of the first State Duma. That evening, nearly 200 deputies of the Duma held a meeting in Vyborg. The next day, they passed a letter to the people drafted by Miliukov, calling on the people to "passively resist" the government, that is, refuse to pay taxes and refuse to perform military service. The Vyborg Appeal was a symbolic revolt of the first State Duma, which failed to achieve any practical results. While dissolving the first Duma, the czar appointed Storey Ping, Minister of the Interior, as the chairman of the Council of Ministers, and announced that he was ready to convene the second State Duma.

The Second State Duma

19071-The second State Duma election was held in February. Considering the low level of revolution, Bolshevik re-examined his strategy towards Duma and decided to run for election. Despite various interventions by the czar government, the election results show that the composition of the new Duma is more radical than that of the previous one. The party composition of the 504 delegates is: gangster Rightists 865,438+0, October Party 32, Peace Reform Party, Democratic Reform Party and Progressive Party 9, Polish parliamentary caucus and other ethnic regions 78, Constitutional Democratic Party 92, Labor Party 65,438+000, People's Socialist Party 65,438+04, Social Revolutionary Party 34 and Social Democratic Party 64. Storey Ping even publicly threatened: "I personally have little hope for Duma. If not, we'll dissolve. With the experience of the first Duma, this is not so terrible at all. " On February 20th, the second State Duma opened. The meeting elected Golovin, a Constitutional Democrat, as its chairman, Belekin, a representative of the Labour Party, and Poznanski, who claimed to belong to the left, as its vice-chairman, and Chelnokov, a Constitutional Democrat, as its secretary. On March 6th, Stolypin issued a government statement in the Duma. He explained the necessity of enacting land legislation according to extraordinary legislative procedures, mainly the "1 1 9th of the month" of 1906, and listed more than 30 draft legislative bills to be submitted to the Duma for examination, such as inviolability of the person and freedom of belief, expanding the authority of local self-government organs, implementing universal insurance for workers, and implementing compulsory primary education. The government statement smacks of liberalism. After the debate, Dumas passed a resolution to turn to daily affairs and declined to comment on the contents of the statement. This silence shows that the Constitutional Democratic Party has stood on the right wing and dare not take any firm measures against the government. The second State Duma discussed the state budget, individual freedom, prisons and the abolition of the death penalty, and the land issue remained the most intense issue. The Duma has decided that the meeting every Monday and Thursday will be devoted to land issues, and the meeting will officially start on March 19, 2009. Compared with the first Duma, the principled views of all parties on the land issue are clearer and their differences are sharper. The Rightists and the October Party support the government's policy and believe that the land issue must be solved in accordance with the principle of November 9. They hate the principle of compulsory nationalization of private land and resolutely defend the sanctity of private rights. The new draft submitted by the Constitutional Democratic Party is obviously retrogressive than the original "42-member draft", in which it is proposed that the land harvested by landlords and the land attached to technology factories should not be forcibly nationalized, and most of the compensation that should be paid by the state to landlords according to the original draft should be passed on to farmers. The Labour Party adheres to the position of "104 draft", and the Social Revolutionary Party and the People's Socialist Party express their support. They represent the vital interests of the broad masses of farmers. Bolsheviks pointed out that the serious mistake of the working class is that they don't care about redemption and the way to realize land reform. The Bolsheviks put forward a land plan that really protects the interests of farmers: at least 70 million Russian acres of landlord land will be distributed to farmers; Farmers can get land without paying ransom; Establish a national democratic system necessary for land reform, especially the election of local land committees on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret voting. However, due to the wrong position of the representative of Menshevik, the social democratic party's struggle for farmers was damaged. As a result of fierce struggle, no land plan can be adopted by most people. Therefore, the Constitutional Democratic Party, which adheres to the principle of "keeping the Duma", colludes with the Rightists. At the meeting on May 26th, it made a decision by a narrow majority of 238 votes to 1, 9 1: "At the end of the land debate, it is unnecessary for the Duma to adopt any resolution. Draft legislation on land issues has been submitted to the Land Commission. The activities of the two Duma meetings, especially the debate on land issues, made the czar's government feel that the State Duma formed by the "1February 1 1 Japan Election Law" could not become its own ruling tool, and the unruly second Duma must be dissolved. After completing the preparations for the new electoral law at the end of May, the czar government decided to implement the long-simmering plan of dissolving the second Duma and reorganizing the Duma. On June 1, Storey Ping read out the government's emergency notice at the Duma meeting, accusing the Duma party group of the Social Democratic Party of engaging in military "conspiracy", demanding that 56 representatives of the Social Democratic Party be banned from attending the Duma meeting, and that 16 of them be immediately deprived of their inviolability and arrested. The government's request has been submitted to the special Committee for consideration, and it is stipulated that a reply will be given within 24 hours. At the next day's meeting, left-wing representatives spoke one after another, suggesting that the discussion on local courts should be suspended and the national budget and the 1 1 9 Land Law should be rejected by demonstration. However, the Constitutional Democratic Party considered this to be "absolutely unconstitutional" and rejected this proposal together with the Rightists. At this time, the truth has been revealed, but the Constitutional Democratic Party is unwilling to expose the government's perjury and framing immediately and adopts a delaying strategy. Kize Wellther, Chairman of the Special Committee and a Constitutional Democrat, reported: "The Committee could not finish its work before the Party, and requested that the hearing of the report be postponed until Monday, June 4th. The czar's government was impatient and decided to dissolve the Duma immediately. On June 3rd, the Tsar issued an imperial edict accusing "a large part of the members of the Second State Duma" of being impure, which became an "insurmountable obstacle" to useful work. When the government made accusations and demands of conspiracy, "the State Duma did not immediately implement the emergency legal requirements of the authorities", so the Second State Duma was dissolved. Considering that due to the "imperfection" of the electoral law, there are few "real expressers of people's needs and aspirations" in the legislature, it is decided to amend the electoral law. Representatives of the Social Democratic Party in the second Duma were sent to court for trial, and they were sentenced to hard labor or life exile. This event is called "June 3rd political revolution". The activities of the first and second State Duma show that the Duma formed according to the1February 1 1 day election law is not an appendage of the autocratic system. Lenin has repeatedly pointed out that "the first Duma is the most revolutionary and incompetent parliament in the world (at the beginning of the twentieth century)" and the second State Duma "shows that the composition of people's representative organs in the most backward countries is the most revolutionary in Europe". At this time, there was "the most revolutionary parliament and almost reactionary autocratic government in the world". The objective reason for the death of the first and second Duma "is not that it can't express the needs of the people, but that it can't complete the revolutionary task of fighting for political power". Therefore, the struggle for political power has become the direct task of the Russian revolution.

The Third State Duma

The June 3rd incident marked the failure of the first bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia and the beginning of the reactionary period in Stolypin. The development of the domestic situation has made it impossible for the czar system to continue to rule without the State Duma. In order to expand the ruling base, the tsarist system must form an alliance with the bourgeoisie with the help of Duma. When the czar government dissolved the second Duma, it forcibly passed the "63 Election Law" in order to make the composition of the Duma beneficial to itself. According to the new electoral law, the re-elected representatives of the electoral college of landowners, which only accounts for 0.2% of the total number of voters, account for 50% of the total number of re-elected representatives. In order to ensure the interests of the big bourgeoisie, the first electoral college of Xincheng was added, and its re-elected representatives accounted for 15% of the total. Other electoral colleges account for 35%. The landlord 1 vote is equal to 4 votes for the bourgeoisie, 65 votes for the middle and small bourgeoisie, 260 votes for farmers and 543 votes for workers respectively. The number of representatives in ethnic areas has dropped sharply. The total number of deputies to the Duma has also been reduced to 442. 1in the autumn of 907, the third Duma election was held. The Bolsheviks took part in the election campaign. In order to get the expected results, the government has taken bribes, intimidation and even public repression against voters. As a result of the election, the political parties represented by the third State Duma are: 50 from the extreme right, 97 from the moderate right and nationalists, 65,438+054 from the October Party and its followers, 28 from the Progressive Party, 54 from the Constitutional Democratic Party, 26 from the Polish parliamentary group and other ethnic areas, 65,438+03 from the Labour Party and 20 from the Social Democratic Party. The right-wing forces were greatly strengthened, which made the czar government get what it wanted. The third Duma is actually a "gangster" Duma. According to the careful planning of the fabricators of 1963 election law, no political party in the Duma can form a majority alone, so there is a deformed phenomenon that two majorities coexist. Members of the October Party occupied the central position. When their position turned to the right, the first majority was formed, that is, the right and October party majorities, with 30 1 vote. When leaning to the left, the second majority is formed, that is, the October Party and the Constitutional Democratic Party, with 262 votes. The establishment of the "June 3rd Duma" centered on the October Party and characterized by two majorities means that the czar government finally established a national political alliance between the aristocratic landlord class and the bourgeoisie, which means that the robber landlord camp and the bourgeois camp merged into a counter-revolutionary front and began the struggle against the workers and peasants. The third State Duma opened on 1 907165438+1October1day, and its legal term of office is until191June 8. * * * The fifth annual meeting was held. The Duma elected Khomyakov, a member of the October Party, as its chairman (Chekov in March, 19 10, Luo Jiangke in March,191), Duke Volkonski, a moderate right-wing member, Baron Meindorf, a member of the October Party, as its vice-chairman and Sazonovich, a right-wing member, as its secretary-general. At the Duma meeting in1907165438+10/6, Stolypin issued a government statement. He first declared that "only violence can be used against revolutionary movements" and that "a little appeasement is a crime", and then expressed the hope that the Duma would help the government and accept a series of draft legislation submitted by the government, especially the land law of 1 1 9 must be approved. Stolypin's speech drew applause and cheers from representatives of the Rightists and even the centrists. Later, in the name of the October Party and the moderate right wing, ancient Chekov asked the Duma to turn to routine affairs in the form of actually fully approving government statements. In a reactionary atmosphere, only representatives of the Social Democratic Party and the Labour Party criticized the government's statement. During the quinquennial annual meeting, the Duma deliberated 2,432 drafts. The land issue remains the central topic of the Duma. At the meeting of1907165438+10 12, farmers' representatives put forward a draft of land distribution to landless and landless farmers, but it was rejected by the Duma. At that time, land reform was going on, so the focus of the third Duma land issue was how to treat the government's land policy. Not only did the Rightists fully support the "11.9" law, but some Rightists even demanded more resolute measures. The Constitutional Democratic Party drastically changed the previous land plan, but actually stood on the side of the government and only asked the government to "act cautiously". The overwhelming majority of farmers' representatives (even the Rightists and the October Party) took the opposite position. 1908 may 10, 42 delegates submitted a draft, demanding that the land be forcibly returned to the state at the average market price, and that local land committees elected by universal suffrage be established to carry out land reform. Lenin thought this draft was "actually a revolutionary draft". The Social Democratic Party supports the demands of the farmers' representatives. Although the two main speakers Geqikelie and Belousov are Mensheviks, their positions on the land issue are correct. Lenin commented: "The spokesman of our party correctly explained the struggle of our Social Democratic Party for' confiscating a large amount of property and handing it over to the people'" and "these two comrades correctly fulfilled their responsibilities." 1 1 The law of September 9th was submitted to the Duma for deliberation on June 23rd. 1908+00. After six and a half months of discussion, supplement and revision, it was passed by the Duma, approved by the State Council, signed by the Tsar, and promulgated on June 24, 19 10, and became a formal law. The land problem of the State Duma was finally "solved" according to the wishes of the tsarist government, and the land reform in Storey was stepped up. The main content of this reform is "forcibly dissolving rural village cooperatives; Confirm that land is the private property of farmers and people and can be bought and sold freely; Accelerate immigration in border areas. The reform did not touch the landlord's land ownership at all, but accelerated the differentiation of farmers, cultivated a new rich peasant class and expanded the social foundation of the czar system. In addition to the land issue, Dumas III took the position of supporting the czar government on issues such as workers, nationalities, finance and foreign policy. But Stolypin's "peaceful innovation" did not bring peace to Russia. From the second half of 19 10, the revolutionary movement, which had been silent for several years, showed signs of recovery. 165438+ 10, lev tolstoy died. Shortly before his death, he published an article "I can't be silent" and made a serious protest against the death penalty. In memory of this great writer, workers and students held large-scale demonstrations and strikes. The ruling clique began to lose confidence in Stolypin. 1911March, Storey Ping proposed the draft legislation to establish local autonomous bureaus in six western provinces (Ukraine, Belarus and Poland). After the Duma approved it, it was rejected by the State Council. Stolypin threatened to resign. Because the tsarist system at that time didn't have a perfect plan to replace Stolypin's policy, and didn't want to create the impression of parliamentary victory in the conflict between the government and parliament, Nicholas II was forced to agree to Stolypin's request and dissolve the two houses for three days (from March 12 to March 14), and passed the draft of the western issue according to the extraordinary legislative procedure. The shameless behavior of the authorities aroused the anger of the deputies of the Duma, and the chairman of the Duma, West Guchkov, announced his resignation. But at the critical moment, the party began to retreat in October and elected Luo as its successor with the Rightists. A parliamentary crisis saved a shameful day. Stolypin's victory was like a flash in the pan. In September of that year, he was assassinated in Kiev. 19 12 The lianna tragedy at the beginning of the year set off a wave of protests throughout the country, and the revolutionary movement flourished. On April 9, 2002, the Duma raised questions with the government about the lianna incident. In June, 1 1, Minister of Interior makarov attended the meeting to answer questions. When Gu Chekov proposed "a fair investigation in all aspects", Kuznetsov, a representative of the Social Democratic Party, said: "We workers don't need your investigation. For us, the reason is very clear: we know who is responsible for the massacre of workers in lianna mining area. " Finally, he pointed out: "When summing up the activities of the State Duma, the working class should eliminate the third State Duma and the entire existing system not only verbally." In response to the speech made by the representative of the Social Democratic Party, makarov declared: "When dealing with revolutionary movements, the army has no choice but to shoot. This was the case in the past and will be the case in the future. "The threat of the czar government has angered the people even more. In Petersburg alone, 200,000 workers took part in the May Day strike. Russia is on the eve of revolution. 1965438+On June 8, 2002, the Tsar issued a decree to stop the activities of the third State Duma. It was dissolved on August 29th.

The Fourth State Duma

The fourth State Duma election was held in the autumn of 19 12.