The "public petition" in history refers to the 21st year of the reign of Emperor Guangxu of the Qing Dynasty (1895). Kang Youwei, together with Liang Qichao and other thousands of people, jointly wrote to the Emperor Guangxu of the Qing Dynasty to oppose the defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895. The Qing government in Japan signed the Treaty of Shimonoseki, which was humiliating and humiliating the country. It is considered to be a sign that the reformers have entered the historical stage and is also considered to be the beginning of the Chinese mass political movement.

The background stems from the Sino-Japanese Sino-Japanese War of 1894, when China was defeated by Japan. In the spring of 1895, Yiweike Jinshi was finishing the joint examination in Beijing and waiting for the results to be released. The sudden news that Taiwan and Liaodong were ceded to China under the Treaty of Shimonoseki and that an indemnity of 20,000 taels was to be paid arrived, and everyone who was taking the exam in Beijing was furious. Taiwanese Juren cried bitterly. On April 22, Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao wrote an 18,000-word "Letter to the Emperor", which was responded to by people from 18 provinces and signed by more than 1,200 people. On May 2, led by Kang and Liang, people from eighteen provinces and thousands of citizens gathered in front of the "Du Cha Yuan" to ask for a memorial.

According to traditional history textbooks: Opponents opposed the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki. He proposed "rejection of peace, relocation of the capital, military training, and political reform". The petition was rejected by the Qing government, but it had a huge impact on society. Afterwards, Kang Youwei and others used the call for "reform to strengthen the country" and published newspapers in Beijing, Shanghai and other places to promote reform ideas. Yan Fu and Tan Sitong also promoted reform ideas in other places. After that, Emperor Guangxu activated Kang Youwei and others, which was known as the Reform Movement of 1898 (Hundred Days Reform) in history. Although the public petition and the Reform Movement of 1898 failed successively, the reform ideas have since awakened and inspired more and more Chinese people to save themselves from the nation, and they have played an important role in the modern history of China.

Historical correction: Among all the "conclusive conclusions" about the "1898 Reform", "writing on the bus" is an important plot. I casually pulled out the "Dictionary of Modern Chinese History" (Shanghai Dictionary 1982 Edition) and said: "In 1895, after the Sino-Japanese Sino-Japanese War of Sino-Japanese Sino-Japanese War, the Qing government sent Li Hongzhang to sign the Treaty of Shimonoseki, which aroused strong opposition from the people across the country.

On May 2, Kang Youwei and more than 1,300 people who had held the imperial examination in Beijing met at Songjun'an and jointly submitted a letter to Emperor Guangxu... Although the letter was rejected by the Metropolitan Procuratorate, it was widely spread throughout the country. The spread was the starting point for the bourgeois reform trend to develop into a political movement, and it is known as the "public petition" in history. Regarding such a thing that is confirmed in the textbooks, the historian Mr. Jiang Ming's new book "Tiangong Buyu Du Kuqi" is categorical. Question: "This statement is highly doubtful."

Mr. Jiang used the methods of self-proof, additional proof, and counter-proof to prove that this matter is actually quite suspicious. The incident known as "The Secretary on the Bus" in history was mostly based on Kang's own article "The Secretary on the Bus", but the preface to "The Secretary on the Bus" published in Shanghai on May 24 of that year said that on May 2 , the busmen "heard that the situation was decided and that there was no way to save it, so the group discussion dispersed." The author also examined Weng Tonghe's diary of that day, which listed the work log of the emperor and the Metropolitan Procuratorate throughout the day, proving that there was definitely no incident of 1,300 bus drivers demonstrating at the Metropolitan Procuratorate that day and being rejected. According to the palace archives, it was proved that the "rejection" did not exist. At that time, officials were not the only ones who submitted letters opposing the signing of the treaty. First, a large number of current officials began to submit petitions one after another on April 14th. From April 30th, a large number of officials from the Metropolitan Procuratorate submitted petitions every day. On May 2nd alone, Received eight batches of public submissions from seven provinces, with 342 signatories; this transfer ended on May 8, with a total of 31 petitions and 1,555 signatories. Among them, Liang Qichao led 80 people from Guangdong to submit letters, but there were many petitions. one of the. Therefore, the author believes that the so-called "bus petition" initiated by Kang Youwei does not exist as a historical event. At most, it can only be called a 'bus rally' or a 'bus petition'."

History is in the details middle! Sometimes, "confirmation" takes a lot of trouble, and "falsification" is enough! People turn the pages of the days for you, and you realize that the W's are all wrong, and the time, place, people and number of people don't match up. That news report, so it's basically fake news! Then, it analyzes Kang Youwei from the aspects of his character, character, goals, means, officialdom system, career path to officialdom, propaganda packaging, historical role, etc., and reveals the reasons for the occurrence of this "fake news".

We have all read modern history. Someone tells you details that are completely different from the past, forcing you to re-examine the "knowledge" of the past; moreover, the author uses beautiful prose, allowing you to feel a sense of fright in a comfortable reading state. If the book is like this, isn’t it worth reading?

I heard the name of Mr. Jiang Ming more than ten years ago - a Shanghainese who is addicted to anecdotes about Beijing in the late Qing Dynasty, and he is about Beiyang Water Teacher - At that time, I was working with Mr. Qian Gang to organize Sanlian Life Weekly, and I knew that he and Jiang Ming visited the old sites of famous people in Hutong, and even used this as "homework" for journalists who were training. Later, when I saw the pamphlet "The Fleet with the Flying Dragon Flag", which talked about the history of the Beiyang Navy, I knew it was this "Jiang Ming". Later, the enriched and expanded book of the same name was published by Sanlian Bookstore " "Zai" version, so I poured out my money at the first sight, without any ambiguity. When reading, the fascinating narration, the solid material, the vivid stories, and the cutting-edge writing style make it difficult for us who are dabblers in history to put it down. Book buyers often recognize a certain author or even a certain editor. This is probably the "brand".

This is my "trust and obedience" to Huang Renyu, Wu Si, Mao Haijian, and editor Pan Zhenping - including Jiang Ming.

History is history. When those things happen and evolve, some of them are based on the compliance of certain interests or values. Originally, there is no definition of revolution, counter-revolution, progress, regression, patriotism, traitor, good people and bad people. Those labels were made by later generations according to the rules of the time. Even if you accept them, you should first read the classification manual of those labels to see if that is the case. Historian Jiang Ming tells us in his book that Li Hongzhang, who signed the Treaty of Shimonoseki, knowingly shouldered the eternal stigma and endured the bitterness; even Tan Sitong, the world-famous first martyr of the reform, also He proposed a strategy to sell the territory of Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Qinghai to Britain and Russia to raise funds for reform!

In common sense, motivation and effect, purpose and means, label and content are often two different things. For example, when Kang Youwei fabricated fake news about "letting a letter on the bus", the author made a clear judgment based on history: "In him, he has both concern for the fate of the country, a strong desire to reform and strengthen himself, and a practical spirit to devote himself to real-life movements without hesitation. , and had character flaws of eagerness for quick success, vanity, and narrow-mindedness and extremeness. This is the image of the leader of the immature reform and reform movement that history has given China. "

China was defeated by Japan in the Sino-Japanese Sino-Japanese Sino-Japanese War. In April of the 21st year of Guangxu (1895), Jinshi Yiweike was finishing the joint examination in Beijing and waiting for the results to be announced. The sudden news that Taiwan and Liaodong were ceded to China under the Treaty of Shimonoseki and that an indemnity of 20,000 taels was to be paid arrived, and everyone who was taking the exam in Beijing was furious. Taiwanese Juren cried bitterly. On April 22, Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao wrote the 18,000-word "Emperor's Letter to the Supreme Being", which was responded to by people from 18 provinces and signed by more than 1,200 people. On May 2, led by Kang and Liang, people from eighteen provinces and thousands of citizens gathered in front of the "Ducha Yuan" to ask for a memorial.

Because everyone in the past took the bus, this petition was called "petition on the bus." This time the petition was submitted, but the Metropolitan Procuratorate refused to accept it on the grounds that the Treaty of Shimonoseki had been signed and was irreversible. Although the letter on the bus did not have direct and substantial consequences at the time, it formed a trend of people asking for political affairs, and later gave birth to a variety of different political discussion groups. Among them, the Qiang Society initiated by Kang and Liang was the most powerful, and was supported by senior officials of the Qing Dynasty such as Imperial Master Weng Tonghe and Nanyang Minister Zhang Zhidong. The "letter on the bus" is regarded as a symbol of the reformers' arrival on the historical stage and the beginning of the Chinese mass political movement.

The "Business Letter" proposed four solutions: 1. Issue an edict to encourage the world; 2. Move the capital to establish the foundation of the world; 3. Train troops to strengthen the world; 4. Reform the law to rule the world. . Kang Youwei pointed out that the first three items are only strategies to deal with the enemy with rights and interests, and the fourth item is the fundamental plan for building a country and strengthening itself.

The "letter on the bus" signified that the bourgeois reform trend that had been brewing for many years had developed into a political activity of patriotism and national salvation, which had a great impact and shock on society. Kang Youwei has since gained the leadership position of the reform movement.