After the civil war, the traditional pillar industries in the south were agriculture and plantation economy, and there was basically no industry. The Atlanta Constitution newspaper published an ironic story at the end of 19, to the effect that a cotton farmer in Georgia was buried in a pine forest after his death, but his pine coffin was not made in Georgia, but from Cincinnati, and the nails for nailing the coffin came from Pittsburgh, although Georgia produced iron. The cotton underwear of the deceased came from new york, although Georgia produces cotton. So the whole funeral, except the bodies and graves on the ground, was all foreign goods. James W. Davidson in "The Nation of Nations" (a concise narrative about the United States of America) (mcgran? Hill Company, 1996), Volume 2, Page 5 18. At the end of the note, this story depicts the economic situation in the south. At the end of 19, changes began, the south began to slowly industrialize, and the "new south" began to appear. New South was put forward by Henry Grady, editor-in-chief of Atlanta Constitution from 65438 to 2009, aiming at the industrial, commercial and urban development of the South. However, at the end of the note, the industrialization of the south obviously lags behind that of the north. According to the statistics of 1892, less than 10% of the population in the south live in cities, while in the northern Atlantic states, the figure has reached 50%. Note James Davidson, op cit., p 5 18. At the end of the note, up to 19 10, 3/4 of the southern black population still live in remote areas.

The direct result of industrialization in the south is the great migration of farmers in the south. From 1890 to1910,200,000 blacks left the south and moved north or west. This migration reached its peak during the First World War. From 19 10 to 1920, more than 250,000 blacks left the south. Note Harvard Sitkov, The Black People's Struggle for Equality 1954- 1980 (new york: Hill and Wang, 198 1), pp. 6-8. After 1930s, with the increase of job opportunities brought by agricultural mechanization and the development of military industry brought by World War II, farmers in the south were urged to leave the land again. In the 1940s, 1 10,000 blacks left the south, and in the 1950s,1.5,000 blacks migrated. In the 1940s and 1950s, the migration direction was not only in the north, but also in the big cities in the south, such as Atlanta and New Orleans, which made the black population in these cities grow rapidly. Take Atlanta as an example.

Percentage of blacks in urban population (Atlanta 1860- 1980)

Ronald H. Bayo, Race and the Formation of Atlanta in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), p. 7. Footnotes.

Year (year)

1860

1870

1880

1890

1900

19 10

1920

Proportion (%)

20.3

45.5

43.6

42.9

39.7

33.5

3 1.2

Year (year)

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

Proportion (%)

33.2

34.6

36.6

38.3

5 1.3

66.6

The result of the great migration of blacks is that (1) blacks move to big cities in the south, and the proportion of blacks in the urban population keeps rising, which has played a role in urban development, especially in political structure. This was even more obvious after the Second World War. Although blacks are second-class citizens, whites dare not ignore their existence. 1949, William Hartsfield successfully ran for the mayor of Atlanta, one of the reasons was that he won the black vote, so that he had to make such a speech after winning, "I look forward to serving the citizens of Atlanta in the next four years, and I mean all citizens, regardless of their race, beliefs and color." Note Ronald H. Bayor, op. cit., p. 27. Footnotes have also been slightly changed in other cities. In the late 1940s, Richmond, Virginia and Nashville, Tennessee elected members of black city councils for the first time. 1953, Montgomery, Alabama also elected white liberals as members of the city Council. Kenneth W. Goins and Raymond A. Mohrid pointed out that. , New African American (through Sage Publishing Company in Oaks, California, 1996), p. 326. At the end of the note, it must be pointed out that this change only happens in big cities like Atlanta, while in remote areas in the south, such as "Black Belt" counties, there is little or no change, and only whites dominate the sky. (2) With the development of the black community, black priests, teachers, doctors, businessmen and other professionals began to appear, preparing the leadership for the civil rights movement in the future, and some of them became the first generation of southern black elected officials. In the black community, religious clergy played a great role, because after the Civil War, black churches became one of the few independent institutions in the south that were not controlled by whites, and black religious personnel enjoyed a high reputation among blacks, which is why civil rights leaders represented by Martin Luther King were all clergy. In addition, after years of operation, black business districts have emerged in some southern cities, such as Auburn Avenue in Atlanta, and a number of black businessmen, lawyers and publishers have emerged. Under the apartheid policy, their customers are black, so they have close ties with the black community. In addition, the emergence of black educational institutions, its teachers and students have also become a potential political force. 1867, the University of Atlanta became the first black university in Atlanta. After years of operation, it has gradually developed into the University Center of Atlanta with six colleges and is the largest black higher education center in the United States. W.E.B Dubois, Martin Luther King, Julian Bond and others. I have taught or graduated from this school. Therefore, the school is called "an oasis" under Jim Crow's legal system. Notice Melissa F. Green, the temple bombing (Addison? Wesley Publishing Company, Massachusetts, 1996), footnote on page 96 (3) The emergence of black political organizations. The establishment of black political organizations can be traced back to the post-civil war reconstruction period, but due to the lack of financial resources, political power and black support, these organizations have little influence. Founded in 19 10, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) is the most important black political organization, but in the first 30 years of the 20th century, it could do nothing about the racist politics in the south. After Roosevelt's New Deal in 1930s and World War II, the federal government's loose remarks on racial issues. Roosevelt appointed more than 100 black officials in the federal government, which was called the "black cabinet". 194 1 year, he signed the first executive order on ethnic issues since the reconstruction period, that is, Executive Order No.8802, and established the Presidential Fair Employment Commission (FEDC). At the end of the note, southern black political organizations can develop. For example, the Atlanta Union, 1946, has tripled the black voter registration in Atlanta after three months of hard work. Notes after the bus strike in Montgomery in 1950s 1955 12 In Montgomery, Alabama, Rosa Parks, a black woman, refused to give up her seat on the bus and was arrested, which triggered a bus strike of 38 1 day, and finally cancelled the apartheid on the bus in the city. At the end of the note, civil rights organizations in the south emerge one after another. For example, the Southern Christian Leaders' Conference (SCLC) led by Martin Luther King was founded in early 1957 and headquartered in Atlanta. Its main members came from black churches, and Martin Luther King was the first president. SCLC advocates non-violent means to achieve racial equality and is one of the main leaders of the civil rights movement. SCLC still exists, and its chairman is the son of Martin Luther King. At the end of the explanation, the Student Non-violence Coordination Committee (SNCC), mainly composed of southern black students, pointed out that SNCC was founded in April 1960, when southern cities launched a "sit-in" movement to break the apartheid in public places. In 1960s, SNCC led student street demonstrations and elections in remote areas. This organization tends to be radical and its members are basically students. It is the initiator of the slogan "Black Power". Later, due to internal disputes, the organization fell apart at 1970. At the end of the note, the Mississippi Liberal Democratic Party (MFDP), which wants to compete with the Democratic Party, states that MFDP: Mississippi is very active in the civil rights movement, and MFDP was established in April of 1964, with the purpose of challenging all-white Democrats to get seats in the Democratic National Convention that year. The party advocates participating in the affairs of the Democratic Party and recommending black candidates, believing that only by participating in politics to achieve racial equality can black society benefit. At the end of the note, these black political organizations played an important role in the fifties and sixties, and their work aroused the political consciousness of black people, which will be discussed in detail later.

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