Koizumi's slogan of "breaking away from factional politics" is attractive mainly because factional politics has long been synonymous with "financial power politics" in Japan. Take Tanaka School of the Liberal Democratic Party, which has dominated politics for a long time, and Noboru takeshita School, Keizo Obuchi School and Hashimoto School who inherited their mantle. Their political ideas are clearly expressed as "money+numbers". The so-called "money" refers to public donations and shady money from the financial sector. The so-called "number" refers to the number of members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. The financial sector is willing to invest a lot of money in the big faction, of course, hoping that the big faction that dominates the political power will repay them. The big faction with money and power will naturally attract more members to use its banner. This is the relationship between the two. In other words, if you have money, you have rights, and if you have rights, you can generate more money. It is under the guidance of such a political philosophy that the forces of the Tanaka faction are becoming more and more invincible, and the "Tanaka Corps" that controls party affairs has formed within the party. Similarly, Takeshita Sect and its successors who seized power by taking advantage of tanaka kakuei's illness followed suit and firmly controlled the political power. For more than a decade, except for the short-term ruling of the non-Liberal Democratic Party Coalition government led by Hosokawa Morihiro (born in the former Tanaka School), the forces of the "World Economic Council" (Noboru takeshita School) have never been sidelined. Under the condition of active governance, Noboru takeshita certainly clung to the state machine. Even when objective conditions do not allow factions to send people out (the most typical example is the exposure of corruption cases, which has aroused public anger) and they cannot face voters, factions will never easily quit the power center. The traditional practice of Tanaka faction or Noboru takeshita faction is to conduct various behind-the-scenes transactions with various factions within the party, and find reliable agents from them to recommend leaders or cadres of different factions as prime ministers, provided, of course, that the other party obeys and promises to fully safeguard the interests of Tanaka faction or Noboru takeshita faction. Toshiyuki Haibei of Kawamoto School, Kiichi Miyazawa of Gong Ze School, and Mori Yoshiro of Mori School all ascended the throne of the Prime Minister, and all followed the above-mentioned rules of the game of Noboru takeshita School. 1994, the participants in this political game even expanded to non-party people. In order to recapture the country, the Liberal Democratic Party did not hesitate to give up the prime minister's throne and joined hands with the Socialist Party, which had been competing with each other for decades, to form a coalition government. As for Tomiichi Murayama, who was obsessed with the Prime Minister, it is well known that he not only obeyed and did not infringe on the interests of the Noboru takeshita faction, but also issued a disguised defection statement, renouncing the party's party-building principles and supporting the security policy of the Liberal Democratic Party. It is precisely because Murayama, the "Prime Minister of the Socialist Party", obeyed the orders of the Liberal Democratic Party under the control of Noboru takeshita and accomplished many tasks that the Liberal Democratic Party could not accomplish alone. He won a lot of warm applause in the Liberal Democratic Party, and someone even named him "the famous Prime Minister". It can be seen that in the political arena where factional mechanics affects everything, no matter whether the appearance figures are Noboru takeshita's own people or the agents inside and outside the Party (including the "famous prime minister" of the Socialist Party) who appear with his nod and strong support, Fang Gezi, who is required to operate behind the scenes between factional valves, must not mispronounce his lines. In the game that the big faction plays with Lian Heng policy and buys off the small faction, while the small faction "leans on the small and sells the small" (sometimes "personage without party affiliation" or "personage without party affiliation" is also a trick), not to mention any major reform that may touch the interests of the big faction or its financial supporters, even cabinet members must allocate places according to political mechanics and arrange them in turn according to the list recommended by various factions. The so-called selection of talents and abilities is almost impossible in the political history of post-war Japan. Have you noticed that on the eve of the establishment or reorganization of the Japanese cabinet, how many people were ridiculed by the media as "ministers' patients" running around at night, pleading and spreading rumors (scandals? )? Don't you see that successive new Japanese governments are often ridiculed as "cleaning up the cabinet" (that is, to satisfy the wishes of "ministers and patients" and appoint incompetent old ministers of various factions in order to take charge of the cabinets of various departments)? Of course, the Japanese people are deeply tired and dissatisfied with such factional politics and the tactics and rules of the game of cabinet personnel arrangement, but there is nothing they can do. At best, they can only curse "third-rate Japanese politicians" on occasions such as "izakaya". As for the anti-mainstream and young people in the LDP, of course, they also have opinions on the reasonable rules of the game for these strong and old people. It should be said that no matter what era, the voices of the disadvantaged groups in the Liberal Democratic Party demanding "abolition of factionalism" and advocating "a new heart" or "generational alternation" have never stopped. Takeo Miki (former Prime Minister), the leader of Miki School, is a representative who spares no effort to advocate "renewing people's hearts" and "eliminating factional politics". As for Noboru takeshita and his late contemporary ally Shinzo Abe, in order to urge former Prime Ministers tanaka kakuei and Fukuda Takeo to hand over the baton of dispatching valves as soon as possible, they also strongly advocate "generational alternation". It shows that "reform", "reforming the Liberal Democratic Party" and "breaking away from factional politics" are not the exclusive products of Junichiro Koizumi or his founding slogan. The rebound of dissatisfaction with the former cabinet also shouted slogans of "reform" and "separation from factional politics". Koizumi has received special attention from all sides. On the one hand, of course, he paid tribute to the media for exaggerating its big faction (that is, Hashimoto Tōru faction) and invited party member, who he thought was "in the right place", by phone alone, which was related to the bold style of the people who joined the cabinet. On the other hand, he also owes the Zhuxia Sect (now Hashimoto Tōru Sect) who has been bullying in politics for more than ten years. Yasuo Fukuda (son of former Prime Minister Fukuda Takeo), who also served as cabinet secretary in Mori Yoshiro and Koizumi's cabinet, said that Koizumi's approval rate was as high as 80%, which was in sharp contrast with Mori Yoshiro's approval rate of 9%, which can be said to be a rebound to Mori Yoshiro's cabinet. In view of Koizumi's high support rate himself, Nakasone Yasuhiro, a veteran of the Liberal Democratic Party who is still unwilling to be lonely at the moment, made such a quip about the "Koizumi kite" rising with the "wind" of national support: "As long as the wind stops, Koizumi kite will land immediately." (Zhuo Nansheng)