This revolution has no organization, no goal, and no single reason, which is mainly attributed to decades of national turmoil and dissatisfaction with the Romanov dynasty. Russia's domestic reforms are unfavorable, and the demands of ethnic minorities for liberation are also the reasons. The unfavorable command of the tsar led to the defeat of the army in the Russian-Japanese war, which was the most direct fuse. Since the war, military revolution and revolutionary group activities have continued.
Although the revolutions in various places were finally compromised or suppressed, and the pace of Russian reform was accelerated, it was still not enough to stop the revolution that overthrew the Romanov dynasty in 19 17. Bolshevik party member often regarded this revolution as the pioneer of 19 17 revolution.
February revolution
What can heaven do? Will a powerful autocratic government collapse? 1 965438+February 23-March 20071(Russian calendar), the once seemingly powerful czar system collapsed in just eight days. Such a sudden change can only be compared with the August 19 incident, when the Soviet regime collapsed. The passing of Russia left a February puzzle.
Previously, some internal and external contradictions in Russia were intertwined, and they were revealed in eight days. The February Revolution, named after history, was originally a spontaneous movement. From February 23 to February 27, the whole movement was spontaneous. All opposition parties and political parties in Russia, even the czar's government, did not realize the nature of the development, and neither side took any effective measures. Four days later, on February 27th, all political parties began to try their best to influence the revolutionary process. The Liberal Party in charge of the State Duma urged Tsar Nicholas II to abdicate and form a new interim government. Menshevik and the Social Revolutionary Party formed the Soviet Union, which pushed the mass movement forward. At that time, the Bolsheviks were too limited to cope.
The fuse of this revolution came from February 23rd in Russian calendar, March 8th in Gregorian calendar and International Women's Day on March 8th, and128,000 male and female workers in 50 factories in Petrograd held a strike demonstration, which started the February Revolution. At that time, the number of strikers accounted for 32% of the total workers in Petrograd. In Russia, where strikes were frequent at that time, strikes were no different from the beginning.
The real reason for the strike is the food crisis in Petrograd. The Security Bureau of the Tsar regime reported in early February that the food crisis may lead to riots. By mid-February, due to traffic difficulties, the food supply in Petrograd further deteriorated, and people queuing for bread began to worry and their dissatisfaction was increasing. The contradiction accumulated within an empire was detonated because of the bread problem.
At first, the workers' strike procession went to Neva Street in the center of Petrograd and shouted the slogan "Bread!" "Down with the war!" And "Down with tyranny!" . Strikes and riots were already familiar to people at that time, and no one gave this event any political significance. However, by the 24th, the number of strikers had increased to 200,000 or even more. Crowds began to get out of control, bakeries began to be robbed, and workers and police clashed in some places.
On the 25th, the strike entered its third day, and the number of people participating in the demonstration reached 306,000. All the factories in Petrograd were paralyzed, and other classes, such as urban residents, also took part in the strike demonstrations, which led to a general strike in the whole society. At that time, all political parties, including the Bolsheviks, only verbally expressed their support for the general strike and did not intervene in the development.
On the 22nd before the strike, Tsar Nicholas II had just left Petrograd's base camp in Mogilev. Hearing the strike, he only sent a short order to Khabarov, commander of Petrograd Military Region, demanding that the unrest in the capital be stopped immediately. More than 65,438,000 members of the revolutionary organization were arrested that night. Judging from the performance of the tsars and officials at that time, they did not pay enough attention to the situation.
On Sunday, February 26th, the police and army opened fire on some demonstrators. The soldiers of the Fourth Regiment of Pavlov Guards refused to carry out the repression order, and there was a small mutiny, with more than 30 guns and more than 0/00 bullets. The mutiny was quickly suppressed by the Mounted Police, and the mastermind was reinforced by the key figure Paul. By the evening of 26th, the situation seemed to be under control. Golitsyn, chairman of the Council of Ministers, announced that the Tsar ordered the Duma to adjourn until April, which was interpreted as another dissolution of the Duma, because the Tsar government always believed that the Constitutionalists acted through the Duma and planned riots. Also on the evening of 26th, kerensky and other left-wing parties held a conservative attitude towards the development of the situation within the party, believing that the uprising had been eliminated, and the Bolsheviks in Petrograd also held the same view.
This detailed detail is inconsistent with the conclusion that the Bolsheviks led and launched the February Revolution in the later Soviet historical propaganda.
On February 27th, the situation deteriorated decisively. The soldiers of the Warren regiment teaching team held a parade to save their imprisoned comrades. Then several guards stationed in Petrograd also stood in the street and marched with the workers. By the evening of 27th, the number of soldiers participating in the parade and mutiny reached 66,700, accounting for almost one third of the Petrograd garrison. This is the most crucial point of the mystery of this incident. The czar's government did not control the army well, and the army defected. Many troops ordered to disperse the crowd were dispersed.
In this situation, General Khabarov, commander of Petrograd Military Region, led an army of about 1 000 to the Admiralty Building, waiting for reinforcements from the frontline troops, and then went to the Winter Palace Square to prepare to surround the Winter Palace.
At dawn on the 28th, Archduke Mikhail, the younger brother of the Tsar, came to the Winter Palace. After talking with the generals, he told General Khabarov's troops to withdraw from the Winter Palace on the grounds that he didn't want the Romanovs to shoot people in the Winter Palace Square as in June 1905. At this time, the moral level of the archduke who didn't want to be the executioner affected the development of the situation. General Khabalov returned to the Admiralty Building with his troops. People surrounded the admiralty during the day on the 28th. When it was reported that the rebels had occupied Petersburg and no frontline troops had arrived, General Khabarov ordered the troops to leave the Admiralty building in an organized manner, without weapons. In this way, Petrograd, the capital of the entire Russian empire, was dissolved.
One day on 28th, the number of uprising soldiers reached 6.5438+0.2 million. By March 654.38+0, the situation was irreversible. All Petrograd's troops defected except the students from two military schools. Soldiers cooperated with factory workers to occupy various key departments, released political prisoners, attended meetings in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Security, and many senior officials of the Tsar government were arrested. The streets of Petrograd are full of dancing crowds holding slogans such as "Down with traitors", "Down with oppressors" and "Long live freedom". It seems that one speaker after another at the Tower Falida Palace finally has the freedom of speech. Even Kirill milovic, the czar's cousin, led the army to the victor's side, and the czar's autocratic regime collapsed.
At that time, the garrison in the heart of the tsarist government was a reserve camp for a group of garrison troops fighting at the front. The members of the reserve camp are mainly a group of people who have retired from the front line and returned home injured, and a group of farmers who have just been recruited. These reserve forces surrounding the capital are actually composed of scattered troops, with little discipline and fighting capacity. Mentally, they don't want to leave the comfortable barracks in the rear and run to the dangerous front to fight. This mentality, rather than lofty revolutionary ideals, makes them willing to seize any opportunity that can bring them to avoid going to the front, rather than uprising for political reasons.
After the victory of the uprising, the soldiers reached an agreement with the newly established provisional government not to send reserve soldiers to the front line in order to repay their so-called "February Revolution" and so-called special "revolutionary feats". However, this problem has not been solved. After all, war concerns national interests and security. The czar's autocratic government has crossed the state. World War I is not over yet. The newly appointed interim government will take over the war-torn residence left by the czar government, even if it is only part of the "revolutionary garrison" sent to the front to ensure national security. At this time, the Bolsheviks stood up, claiming that the garrison was their main pillar and defending their right to stay in Petrograd. This suddenly won the army that played a key role in the February Revolution into its own hands.
According to the data, the Russian troops who fought at the front at that time despised this group of garrison troops who were the reserve forces in the capital. There is a saying circulating in the trench: "We will take Petrograd's guy to the trench with a lot of money!" "
This group of soldiers who were stolen from foreign wars finally defected in the heart of the empire, which contributed to the February Revolution. Therefore, from the point of view of political security, it is foolish for the czar regime to put these sloppy soldiers in the capital as garrison troops.
1965438+On February 23rd, 2007, there was a general strike in Petrograd. On February 27th, it took four days for Russian political parties and opposition parties, who are usually sensitive to politics, to react and exert political influence on this spontaneous movement.
On the 27th, Russia's democratic and liberal parties established the Petrograd Soviet and the temporary committee of the State Duma, which was another key event in the February Revolution.
Just released from prison, Menshevik leaders Gewozdev, bogdanov and Poleydo met with representatives of Menshevik State Duma, such as Qi Heze, skobelev, Suehanov and Skolov, and announced the establishment of the Soviet Interim Executive Committee on behalf of workers. The Committee immediately distributed a large number of leaflets, and comrades and brothers' enterprises and troops immediately elected representatives to the Tafuli Palace for a meeting, with one representative for every 1000 workers and one company soldier. The first meeting of workers and soldiers representing the Soviet Union was held in Petrograd that night, with more than 65,438+0,000 participants. The meeting elected a formal executive committee, with Qi Heze as chairman and kerensky and skobelev as vice-chairmen. Set up a military commission headed by social revolutionaries muskie Slavski and Filipovski. The meeting issued an appeal to completely overthrow the old regime and fight for the convening of a constitutional convention. Decided to set up the Soviet soldiers' department to control the army and weapons. In order to form this document, a special Committee was set up and the famous "No.1 Order" was completed on the same day. This 1 order was triggered by 9 million copies. The core of the order is to control the army, and the entire military system of the Russian Empire is rapidly disintegrating.
In this February revolution, the Soviet Union quickly became the most influential political force. However, the record left by history is that Soviet leaders and representatives were not so confident in their own strength at that time. Every time I heard the false news that the troops were coming, the delegates grabbed their clothes and hurried to the door. The shadow of the counterattack and repression of the czar's autocratic regime hangs over these leaders and representatives, making them feel afraid.
On February 27th, almost at the same time as the Petrograd Soviet was founded, in Tavrida Palace, Chairman of the State Duma Luo was anxiously discussing the situation and countermeasures. They also put pressure on the czar government. According to the authorization of the meeting, Luo Jiangke sent a telegram to Tsar Nicholas II, the stronghold of Mogilev, telling your majesty that the matter is very serious, and the only way to solve the problem is to remove all ministers, and then ask your majesty to issue a declaration and set up a government responsible for Duma. The meeting also announced the establishment of a temporary Duma Committee and announced that it would restore order in the capital. On the one hand, the wording carefully fooled the czar, on the other hand, it carefully assumed the functions of the government, and the "Duma revolutionaries" were also worried that the front-line czar army would be politically liquidated.
When the so-called February Revolution in Degele broke out, Tsar Nicholas II was based in Mogilev. Your majesty is still focusing on the ongoing world war I of the empire, not realizing that the end of the empire has actually reached the rear. During the three and a half days from February 23rd to noon on February 27th in the Russian calendar, the Tsar didn't feel any difference between this strike and the previous strikes he suppressed and experienced. Of course, Petra's political opposition, the Liberal Party and the Bolsheviks just responded not long ago. With the continuous urgent telegrams from the capital, the tsar did not respond and the situation there was out of control.