China * * * production organization was established in the middle of last year (1920). At first, there were only five people in this organization in Shanghai. The leader is Comrade Chen, the editor-in-chief of the prestigious New Youth. The organization has gradually expanded its scope of activities, and now there are six groups with 53 members. The conference was originally scheduled to be held on June 20, but representatives from Beijing, Hankou, Guangzhou, Changsha, Jinan and Japan did not arrive in Shanghai until July 23, so the conference was held. Twelve representatives attended the meeting. They come from seven places (including Shanghai), one in each place and two in each place.
Chairman Zhang explained the significance of this congress at the first meeting. The general assembly must work out an outline and a practical work plan. The meeting drew up an agenda and heard a report on the activities of local groups and their general situation. It took two days. These reports all emphasize the following three points: there is little need to increase the number of workers in party member, and the methods of organizing workers and conducting publicity work. We are glad to point out here that Comrade Shifriot (2) and Comrade Nicolschi (3) attended the first congress and gave us valuable instructions. In his speech, Comrade Schivriot talked about his activities in Java and suggested that we should pay special attention to the establishment of workers' organizations.
Comrade Nicolschi told us the news of the establishment of the Far East Bureau and his impression of Russia. After this report, according to Comrade Nicolschi's suggestion, we decided to send a telegram to Irkutsk to report the progress of the conference to them. According to Comrade Schivrio's suggestion, it was decided to elect a committee to draft the program and work plan. The Committee spent two days drafting plans and programs, during which no meeting was held.
The third, fourth and fifth sessions of Congress devoted themselves to studying the plan, and after a long debate on some issues, they made a final decision, only once caused a heated debate. This is whether party member can be an official and a member of parliament with the permission of the Executive Committee. There are two opinions on this issue. One side insisted that there was no danger for party member to be an official, and suggested that party member should be elected as a member of parliament, but he must work under the leadership of the Party. The other side disagrees with this opinion. At the third meeting, the delegates didn't come to any conclusion, but at the fourth meeting, the debate became more intense. One side insists that the adoption of the parliamentary system will turn our party into a yellow party. They take the German Social Democratic Party as an example to illustrate the following fact: when people enter the parliament, they will gradually give up their principles, become a part of the bourgeoisie, become traitors, and regard the parliamentary system as the only way to struggle and work. In order not to allow joint operations with the bourgeoisie and to concentrate our offensive forces, we should fight outside the Congress. Moreover, it is impossible to win any improvement by using Congress. Entering Congress will make people feel that only by using Congress can they improve their situation and develop the cause of social revolution. The other side insists that we should combine open work with secret work. If we don't believe that this country can be eliminated within 24 hours, or that the general strike will be suppressed by capitalists, then political activities are necessary. The opportunity of uprising will not come often, only in rare times, but in peacetime, we should be prepared. We should improve the situation of workers, broaden their horizons, and guide them to participate in the revolutionary struggle and the struggle for freedom of the press and assembly, because publicizing our theory publicly is an absolutely necessary condition for success. And joint action with other oppressed parties in congress can also be partially successful. However, we must point out to the people that it is useless to try to build a new society within the scope of the old system, even if we try to do so. The working class must liberate themselves, because they cannot be forced to carry out revolution. Otherwise, they will have a wrong view of Congress and adopt a peacetime approach instead of drastic measures.
We can't come to a conclusion on this issue yet. We must leave it to the next congress to solve. As for whether to be an official, this issue has been consciously avoided, but we all agree that we should not be ministers or governors, and generally speaking, we should not hold important administrative positions. In China, the word "official" is widely used in all these positions, but we allow our comrades to be officials like factory directors.
The sixth meeting of the Congress was held at a comrade's home in the middle of the night. At the beginning of the meeting, a detective broke into the room. He apologized for his mistake, but after all, we can't continue the meeting. The detective's arrival didn't hurt the party, although the police raided it shortly after his arrival. After that, we raised our vigilance. In order to continue the meeting, we have to go to a small city nearby. There we studied the actual work plan drafted by the Committee. We had a brief debate on our attitude towards other parties. Some people insist that, in theory and practice, we should adhere to the view that the proletariat should always struggle with other parties. Joint action with other parties does not violate the principles of our party. We should try our best to cooperate with everyone and oppose the enemies of the same party, because our warlords are enemies of all other classes in society. Others think that it is not against our principles to cooperate with other parties to oppose the enemies of the same party and criticize them in our newspaper at the same time. Even if we can't seize power immediately, we can at least strengthen ourselves for future actions, because this progress will strengthen our strength, and the ruling class that replaces the current rulers may not be as oppressive as feudal lords. In this way, we can concentrate revolutionary forces and expand revolutionary activities. In this way, even if the proletariat cannot gain political power now, it should unite with other classes to overthrow their enemies and strengthen itself, so as to lead the future struggle and overthrow the class that will gain political power. In this way, we unite with other classes only for destructive struggle. However, the meeting accepted the first opinion, that is, the proposal of the drafting Committee of the actual work plan.
Due to the shortage of party member, the problem of organizing farmers and troops became an unsolved case, so we decided to concentrate all our energy on organizing factory workers. In order to attract outstanding and reliable comrades, we must be particularly cautious and strictly examine and accept party member's decision. Since our party is almost entirely composed of intellectuals, the general assembly decided to pay special attention to organizing workers and educating them with the spirit of * * *. Entrust the Central Secretariat to draft party constitution. Three comrades were elected to form the Secretariat, and the Organization Department and the Propaganda Committee were elected. At the end of the conference, they shouted: "Long live the proletarian party, long live the Third International, and long live the proletariat, the liberator of mankind!" Wait for the slogan.
(2) the third international representative marin.
(3) International representatives of red workers.
The original text is like this. Translation.